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ISSN
1527-6457
B o o
k R e v i e w
The
New Buddhism: A Rough Guide to a New Way of Life.
By David Brazier. New York: Palgrave,
2nd edition, 2002, 288 pages, ISBN 0-312-29518-9 (paperback), U.S.
$16.95.
Reviewed by
Reviewed by Brian
Daizen Victoria
Centre for Asian Studies
University of Adelaide
brian.victoria@adelaide.edu.au
Has
the time come for a Buddhist Reformation? In a sure to be controversial
new book, The New Buddhism: A Rough Guide to a New Way of Life,
author David Brazier maintains that it has, for in the absence of
such a reformation it will be impossible for Buddhism to "dig itself
out from under the accretions of history" (p. 64).
Given the judgmental
character of his thesis, it is not surprising that Brazier admits
at the outset that his book is "intentionally partisan" and "makes
no effort at academic dispassion." He does, however, challenge those
who disagree with his views to advance their own claims as long
as such claims "are well put and accord with the real world" (p.
13). One of the most interesting aspects of this book will surely
be just how much disagreement it provokes.
Brazier clearly
and repeatedly identifies nationalism in particular and Sangha-State
relations in general as the key element behind what he perceives
to be Buddhism's historic failure to "advance the radical social
implications of some of its central teachings more effectively"
(p. 66). In claiming this, Brazier is clearly a part of the engaged
Buddhist movement.
This said, Brazier
is unlike many of this latter movement's leaders who maintain that
Buddhism need do little more than transcend its historic monastic
setting and engage more effectively with the secular world. Instead,
Brazier recognizes that much of the problem lies within Buddhist
doctrine and practice. Specifically, Brazier's maintains that Buddhism
must "jettison much of its own conservative baggage acquired during
centuries when the original message was buried under a series of
compromises some chosen, some coerced with oppressive
political systems in India, China, Japan, and elsewhere." It must
abandon baggage from times when it was used in these countries as
"an instrument of state policy for subduing rather than liberating
the population" (p. 66).
This is a very
harsh critique indeed and, needless to say, it falls to scholars
to determine the merit (or demerit) of broad generalizations of
this kind. Some readers might even detect an element of "Asia-bashing"
in Brazier's remarks, complete with the suggestion of moral superiority
on the part of the West. Yet Brazier is equally critical of what
he identifies as the modern equivalent of the traditional four-tiered
Indian caste system. He means by this the contemporary concentration
of wealth in the hands of the "white caste" as compared with those
of yellow, brown, and black skin colors.
Brazier notes that
whites enjoy more than three-quarters of the wealth of the planet
while making up only a quarter of its population. Because of their
relative wealth, white Buddhists tend to look to Buddhism for "tantalizing
spiritual experiences," bringing with it the serious danger that
Western Buddhism will degenerate into a "narrow, sectarian, small-minded
and irrelevant pursuit of personal euphoria" (p. 26). This head-in-the-sand
spirituality is, according to Brazier, "extremely remote from what
the Buddha was concerned with" (p. 5).
But what, exactly,
is this "New Buddhism" that Brazier advocates? Brazier's defines
New Buddhism as "Buddhism finally liberated from the age-old demoralizing
effects of having long ago become part of monolithic state apparatuses"
(p. 70). The key to such liberation, Brazier asserts, is deciding
what is "truly Buddhist" (p. 70).
In making this latter
claim, Brazier reveals the degree to which his thinking has been
informed by the "Critical Buddhism" movement. In fact, two chapters
of the book (Nine and Ten) are devoted to an explanation of this
movement. Because he does not claim that his is a scholarly analysis,
Brazier is able to take this movement beyond the confines of scholarly
debate and assist the general reader in appreciating why the points
it raises are important to our understanding of Buddhism, East and
West.
In the end, Brazier
does not take a position in support of, or in opposition to, the
positions of such Critical Buddhist scholars as Matsumoto Shiro
or Hakamaya Noriaki. Instead, he regards this movement as functioning
more in the nature of a "warning bell," revealing the way in which
doctrinal tenets concerning Buddha Nature and inherent enlightenment
can, depending on the context, readily become allies of socially
repressive forces. This leads him to conclude:
If concepts like
Buddha Nature and tathagata-garbha are used to mean that everybody
can become enlightened, then they are Buddhist. If they are used
as substitute words for soul, god, divine essence and so on, then
they are not. The message of Critical Buddhism is usefully disturbing
and should not be ignored (p. 160).
Like the Critical
Buddhists, Brazier wants to identify, and rectify, those aspects
of Buddhism that he regards as having harmed or even contradicted
its original message of both individual spiritual growth and radical
social change. Furthermore, nationalism is not the only barrier
to restoring Buddhism to its revolutionary beginnings. Brazier identifies
a whole series of impediments to such a restoration, not the least
of which is the "cult of anti-intellectualism" (p. 12).
Brazier asserts
that those schools of Buddhism which eschew healthy debate and deride
intellect are dangerous or hypocritical and sometimes both. "Criticism
of intellect provides a smokescreen," he claims, "behind which the
ills of the world at large can be ignored and malpractice can flourish,
and no school that really advances the dharma can afford that" (p.
13). Coming from someone trained in the Zen tradition, as Brazier
is, this is a drastic critique, no less so than his warning that
"we must not allow principles like 'no-mind' to degenerate into
sheer mindlessness" (p. 79).
Closely connected
to the above, is the question of reforming the master-disciple relationship.
Brazier castigates as "complete nonsense" the idea that the enlightened
master is a know-all who can never be gainsaid (p. 76). Instead,
a master is in the nature of a teacher who provides an example for
the disciple as well as instruction. The relationship between master
and disciple can best be described as the relationship between a
sports person and his or her coach. "At the end of the day, it is
the disciple's performance in life that matters, not the coach's
rightness or reputation, and finally the player is responsible for
that herself (p. 188).
In what are surely
the most controversial sections of his book, chapters Six and Seven,
Brazier takes an iconoclastic look at what he considers to be the
eight "varieties of enlightenment." Some varieties, such as "enlightenment
as faith" in the Pure Land tradition or enlightenment through ritual
empowerment in the Tantric tradition, will be familiar to readers.
Others, however, such as "enlightenment as eternal life," something
Brazier attributes to followers of the Lotus Sutra, may
come as a surprise. While Brazier does not give a definitive answer
to which, if any, of these types of enlightenment is the "correct"
one, he nevertheless criticizes what he finds to be dangerous elements
in many of them, e.g. the doctrines of non-duality and original
enlightenment, both of which he finds to be Taoist in origin. Brazier
is especially critical of a closely related corollary to these Taoist
doctrines that promotes "enlightenment as impassivity." He notes
that especially in Japan imperturbability in the midst of turmoil
had a strong appeal for the military man, for it enabled him "to
be a more effective killer" (p. 112).
In conclusion,
it is certainly possible to dismiss Brazier's book as the idiosyncratic
musings of a lone Buddhist practitioner, albeit a knowledgeable
one. To do that, however, would be to miss the book's real purpose
which is not to provide all the "answers" to the questions it raises
but, rather, to "encourage the reader to clarify what she or he
does actually believe and practice" (p. 82). Here lies the true
value of this book for the serious Buddhist practitioner.
For the scholarly
community, Brazier's book will be of interest to those studying
the ongoing development of Buddhism in the West. This is especially
so inasmuch as Brazier is currently putting his reform proposals
into practice as spiritual leader of a small socially engaged Buddhist
movement, the Order of Amida Buddha, headquartered in the U.K. (details
at: www.amidatrust.com).
To what degree Brazier's vision prospers within and beyond this
organization should make an interesting topic of research.
More importantly,
Brazier's work represents an ongoing challenge to the scholarly
community, i.e., to what degree, if any, should scholars, whose
research remains overwhelmingly "descriptive" in nature, become
involved in "prescriptive" pursuits, e.g. formulating proposals
for the "reform" of Buddhism? Is it appropriate for scholars to
employ their knowledge and research skills in creating, or helping
to create, forms of Buddhism that may have never existed before?
Or, on the contrary, should "true" scholars limit themselves to
the role of dispassionate, objective observers of the actions of
others? In short, in addition to scholarship on "engaged Buddhism,"
is there a place for "engaged Buddhist scholarship"?
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