Frank
Usarski, ed. O Budismo no Brasil.
São Paulo: Editora Lorosae, 2002, 317 pages, ISBN 85-88775-07-7.
Reviewed by
James W. Heisig
Nanzan Institute for Religion and Culture
Nagoya, Japan
As departments of religion and theology
around Brasil scramble to adjust themselves to the challenge of
religions from the East, the circle of scholars monitoring the changes
in the sociological and spiritual landscape continues to grow and
to produce its own body of literature. During a recent lecture tour
around Brasil I had occasion to meet many of these scholars and
hear from them firsthand about their work. Among them was Frank
Usarski, professor in the Department of Religious Studies at the
Pontifícia Universidade Católica in São Paulo.
For several years he had been directing graduate students in the
study of the various aspects of the arrival and indigenization of
Buddhism in Brasil, in addition to carrying out his own research
on the subject. Several of the papers he passed on to me helped
me better to understand the changing face of religious pluralism
and alerted me to a number of problems that Buddhist missionaries
coming from abroad have had in adjusting to the Brasilian reality.
Although the Buddhist
presence in Brasil dates back over 150 years, research on the area
has been scarce and scattered. Usarski has labored hard to change
this. In O Budismo no Brasil, he has gathered together
eleven essays written from a variety of viewpoints on the arrival
of religions from the East and their impact on contemporary society.
To the best of my knowledge, it is the first such study of its kind.
To begin with, the
idea that Buddhism is primarily the religion of the Japanese immigrants
in Brasil needs to be set aside. For one thing, as the statistics
provided by Martin Baumann of Lucerne indicate, only about a quarter
of the estimated 350,000 Buddhists in the country are of Asian descent
(p. 55). Indeed, as I discovered during visits to several temples
and Buddhist centers serviced by Zen and Pure Land missionaries
from Japan, one of the major problems faced by these institutions
is the failure of Pure Land and Zen monks coming from Japan to accept
the fact that very few of those of Japanese ancestry in Brasil today
any longer have sustainable cultural or linguistic ties to the land
of their ancestors. All indications are that the numbers of Brasilians
who want a fully indigenized Buddhist practice has all but eclipsed
the minority of those attracted by the oriental flavor of Buddhism.
What is more, sociologists
studying the changing attitudes among traditional Roman Catholics
in the major metropolitan areas of Brasil have provided conclusive
statistical evidence that an openness to the truth of non-Christian
religions and their validity as ways of salvation has all but completely
taken hold in the Brasilian consciousness today. An exhaustive survey
conducted by the Centro de Estatistica Religosa e Investigações
Sociais confirms this (Tendências Atuais do Catolicismo
Brasileiro: Um estudo em seis reigiões metropolitanas).
This, in a word,
is the background against which Usarski and his colleagues work.
In an opening essay, the editor lays out the questions as he sees
them. Adopting the distinction between the Buddhism of the immigrants
and their succeeding generations on the one hand, and the Buddhism
of Brasilians who converted to it and have passed it on as far as
the third generation on the other, he presents an overview of the
history and social impact of Buddhism in each of the two groups.
Recognizing that Buddhism is and will long remain a minority religion,
he surmises that part of the reason is that circles of Zen and Tibetan
meditation, as well as new movements like Soka Gakkai have tended
to concentrate on the middle classes to the neglect of the masses
of Brasil. This is the framework for several of the contributions
that follow.
Martin Baumann,
whose work on Buddhism in Europe is well known, reviews the literature
of the history of Buddhism's arrival in the West and provides a
few helpful statistics. While some of the information about Latin
America may be new to his readers, his generalizations about the
state of Buddhism in the East are a little rough around the edges,
showing the typical misunderstandings of reliance on written works.
Nakamaki Hirochika
of Japan's National Ethnological Museum provides a case study of
the history of the Honmon-butsuryuu-shuu in Brasil and its most
illustrious figure, Ibaragui Nissui, who died at the age of 80 in
1971. The sect is a nineteenth century reform movement within Nichiren
Buddhism and faces the same problems as other "foreign"
religions in Japan when it comes to indigenizing, but these are
glossed over until a parting comment, leaving the questions excited
in the reader by many of the other essays unaddressed.
José Artur
Teixeira Gonçalves focuses on the region of Oeste Paulista,
where he himself is a professor of history. His essay takes up Usarski's
agenda and his categories do provide a solid demographic and sociological
view of how Buddhism was seeded and how it came to take root in
a defined area. The questions he leaves us with at the end regarding
the limits of indigenization and the future of Buddhism resound
all the more forcefully for his careful work.
Rafael Shoji's study
of the nuns from Taiwan's Fo Kuang Shan, and its principal figure
Sinceridade, is a splendid piece of work. Although I have met some
of these nuns around Latin America (Shoji cites statistics indicating
there are five temples in the whole continent as of 2000, p. 128),
and was aware of their struggles with adopting their mission of
preaching Buddhism to languages and customs, this is the first detailed
case study I have read of their history and how they have succeeded.
Shoji locates their arrival in Brasil in 1992 against the broader
context of Chinese immigration to Brasilwhich at least one scholar
claims begins in pre-Columbian timesbut this is not really essential
to his argument, since these immigrants have not been the focal
point of their work. Following the problematic laid out by Usarski
in the opening essay, Shoji explains their appeal to a predominantly
middle-class audience and contrasts their acceptance with that of
Zen.
Regina Yoshie Matsue,
lecturer in Social Anthropology at the Universidadee de Brasília,
studies Pure Land Buddhism in general, and draws special attention
to the cultural and linguistic barriers that continue to impede
its impact on Brasilian society. After a brief outline of the distinct
traits of this sort of Buddhism, she introduces four figures on
the Brasilian scene, including a young novice. The mixture of personal
style and historical data makes for a solid piece of work.
Cristina Moreira
da Rocha does something similar for Zen in Brasil. The central figure
here is Coen Murayama, the chief nun at Busshin-ji in São
Paulo. I knew Coen from her time of training in Japan, when she
attended a seminar of mine, and had the pleasure of sharing the
podium with her on two occasions in São Paulo. Da Rocha does
a find job of placing her work and, ever so delicately, indicating
some of the tangles involved in representing a Japan-based sect
in the very different world of Brasil. Her conclusions reiterate
the middle-class nature of Zen, and also indicate that it is seen
more as a philosophy than as a religion, which eliminates some of
the barriers for Christian participants.
Eduardo Basto de
Albuquerque, professor at the Universidadee presents less a case
study than a personal portrait of the Japanese Zen monk Ryohan Shingu
and interviews with practicing members. Himself a convert to Buddhism,
Basto's is an insider's report that lacks the critical distance
of some of the other pieces in the collection. It includes a sermon
of Ryohan Rōshi on a Sōtō Zen text dating from 1975. Although
dated, it shows something of the mentality of the Japanese missionaries
towards Brasil and the approach of their preaching, but is allowed
to stand without commentary.
Ricardo Mário
Gonçalves, professor of History in the Universidadee de São
Paulo, was a phenomenon when I first met him in 1981 in São
Paulo. A dedicated student of the Japanese language and Buddhist
thought, he had begun Zen meditation some twenty years previous,
but later turned to Pure Land. After a stay in Japan he began to
translate Japanese materials and deepen his ties with Buddhist thought
and practice. Although autobiographical, his essay is fascinating
reading and represents an important chapter in the story of Buddhism
in Brasil.
The only study of
Japan's "new religions" in the collection is Ronan Alves
Pereira's essay on the Soka Gakkai. One of the bright young generation
of sociologists of religion in Latin America, Pereira has been a
visiting scholar for the past few years at the Center for Japanese
Studies in the University of California at Berkeley. When I met
him in Rio de Janeiro two years ago, he had completed the essay
(an earlier draft of which he had already sent me) and was pursuing
his wider interests in contemporary Japanese spirituality. In trying
to paint the Soka Gakkai with an objective brush, Pereira may give
the impression of ignoring criticisms against its leadership, its
tactics, and its political entanglements in Japan. From a Brasilian
perspective, of course, there is no reason these problems need to
be transmitted along with the Buddhist teachings that form the core
of its religious vision, and hence no reason they should dominate
what is basically a sociological study. That said, after detailing
the history and current activities of the movement in Brasil, it
would have been better at least to acknowledge the potential problems.
But the same could be said of most of the other essays in the collection
as well.
The book closes
with a splendid essay by Usarski on Lama Michel, and his Centro
de Dharma De Choe Tsog in São Paulo. Here Usarski shows his
skills as a historian of religions, and shows them so well that
I am at a loss to condense this fascinating essay into a few words.
It tells the story of the movement to the west of Tibetan Vajrayāna
Buddhism and one of its principal figures, Lama Ganchen. When Lama
Ganchen visited Brasil for the first time in 1987 he met a six-year-old
boy named Michel Lenz Cesar Calmanowitz and recognized him as "karmically
predestined." Within two years the boy had traveled to Tibet
where he was invested with the monk's robes. The rest of the essay
is devoted to an analysis of the activities of Lama Michel and his
center. Usarski does not gloss over the way in which Tibetan Buddhism
has attracted, if not welcomed, the collaboration of other spiritual
practices in Brasil, particularly through association with the Pax
Drala of Rio de Janeiro, where everything from tarot readings and
astrology to feng shui and holistic techniques goes on. Nor does
he ignore the problem that notions of "reincarnating"
masters presents to Brasilian religiosity. He concludes with the
Lama's response to whether South American Buddhism might not someday
become a fourth vehicle to complement the three classical vehicles
of Asian Buddhism. "Why not?" he replies. "I have
nothing against it and would be pleased. The more help the better,
though I am not certain it will actually happen." This is an
appropriate end to the volume, since it raises the question that
many traditional Buddhist sects will all have to face sooner or
later: Might not the Buddhist communities of the West one day rise
above their status as mission territory and stand shoulder to shoulder
with the Buddhisms of Asia?